Talk:Mark of the Beast
Origine de l'imprimerie d'après les titres authentiques... suivie des Etablissements de cet art dans la Belgique et de l'Histoire de la stéréotypie
Origin of printing based on authentic titles... followed by the Establishments of this art in Belgium and of the history of stereotyping
Pierre Lambinet H. Nicolle, 1810 - 434 pages
Nummus in charagmate est nummus charactere signatus.
Charagmate money into a coin stamped with the mark.
charagmate is simply the word for something engraved with printed information
From:
- Rerum quotidianarum libri duo
- The two everyday books
- By Juan Yáñez Parladorio 1680 - 315 of 492 pages
- Verum enim yeró protocoli isthaec authoritas in furo in iudiciis vim süam no habet, cum illius vius ad id destinatus non fuerit, fed in hoc potius, vt sanquam formula quaedam, & fo lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria perpetuam habitura fidem transcribi valeant ficuti ostendit cap. quoníam contra, de’ probatio
- Yes, yes, indeed, that these protocols in anger at the judicial authority has no power of its own, when a truce was not destined to be fed into this rather, that fulfills certain formula, and so charagma with a regular secretary asserted that there is likely to be authentic copies of perpetual faith can be transferred to shows like the cap. because of the 'trial
- Yes, yes, indeed, that these protocols in anger at the judicial authority has no power of its own, when a truce was not destined to be fed into this rather, that fulfills certain formula, and so charagma with a registered notary asserted that there is likely to be authentic copies of perpetual faith can be transferred to shows like the cap. because of the 'trial
Faith had to do with who you trusted, went to, applied to for the benefits of your society, your Health, Education and Welfare.
- Cum ergó protocolum vsum fuu ín iudicijs non. habeat abutitur proculdubio illo, qui eo in iudicio vtitur; pro indepa ratam executionem non habere magis di' cenáum cst id quod etiam proboat Gallesius ad formulam camer
- When the protocol does not use fuu in the courtroom . abuses have no doubt that , in the judgment that the semen ; Indep have not ratified the execution of the gods ' dinner admitted that the formulas came to proboat Gallese
THE
LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
BY
CHARLES W. BUDDEN, M.D.
AND THE REV.
EDWARD HASTINGS, M.A.
Vol. Ill MATTHEW REVELATION
Edinburgh : T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street
PK1NTK1) IN GRBAT BR11US BT MORRISON AND GIBB LIMITED
FOR
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH
LONDON : 8IMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, AND CO. LIMIIHD NEW YORK : CHARLB8 SCRIBNBR'S SONS
FIRST IMPRESSION .... 1925
SECOND IMPRESSION . . . 1925
In the provinces this question of worshipping the Emperor would meet the Christians at every turn. His image and superscription appeared upon their coins. Games and festivals were held in connection with his worship, and were presided over by the Asiarch, VOL. in. 22
338 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
or chief priest of the commune of Asia. Legal docu- ments were attested with an oath by the " fortune " of the Emperor. In their business dealings, also, Christians were faced with what appears to have been a systematic boycott, to which we have a reference in Rev. 13 16 - 17 : He causeth all, the small and the great, and the rich and the poor, and the free and the bond, that there be given them a mark on their right hand, or upon their forehead ; and that no man should be able to buy or to sell, save he that hath the mark, even the name of the beast or the number of his name." It was customary to stamp business documents in red ink with the name and year of the reigning Emperor as a certificate of registration. This stamp was called a charagma, and that is the word which John uses and which is trans- lated " mark." Clearly the stamp is something which was an obvious proof of loyalty, and a test of some kind, such as burning incense to the Emperor, may have been exacted from the Christians. Refusal to comply with any of these requirements would at once involve the Christian in suspicion and lead to official inquiries which might issue in death. Those who refused to worship the Beast and to bear his mark must be prepared for martyrdom.
iircap.cum intcr.de rc iudic.
Truth is , indeed, the authority that these protocols in anger Verum enim yeró protocoli isthaec authoritas in furo in iudiciis vim süam no habet, cum illius vius ad id destinatus non fuerit, fed in hoc
Truth is , indeed, the authority that these protocols in anger in the courts, she has no power of his own , with his living knowledge has not been appointed for the purpose , but in this in the courts, she has no power of his own , with his living knowledge has not been appointed for the purpose , but in this otius, vt sanquam formula quaedam, fo
but in this
More, for example as some formula
Lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium In a regular charagma secretary
asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria
Asseruetur From that authentic models
perpetuam habitura fidem transcribi valeant^
lifelong loyalty is likely to be able to be transferred ficuti oftendit cap.
ficuti oftendit cap. quoníam contra, like the[show] div for against [because]
de’ probatio nib ,& 1.8 .& 9 . titul. 1 9. part.
The proof or trial L i 2,fc X 3 ,* * 1 5.tit, z y-,lib.4,
Verum enim yeró protocoli isthaec authoritas in furo in iudiciis vim süam no habet, cum illius vius ad id destinatus non fuerit, fed in hoc potius, In actual fact, these things the authority of the Protocol shall resume their force in thy wrath thou in courts of justice no one, for he has not been appointed for the purpose of that living knowledge , but only in this all the more
vt sanquam formula quaedam, that fulfills certain formula
& fo lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria perpetuam And so a regular charagma the secretary asserted , for example, from authentic patterns
& fo lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria perpetuam habitura fidem transcribi valeant ficuti oftendit cap. quoníam contra, And so a regular charagma the secretary asserted that there is likely to be authentic copies of lifelong fidelity may be transferred oftendit like the cap . because ,
In actual fact, these things the authority of the Protocol shall resume their force in thy wrath thou in courts of justice no one, for he has not been appointed for the purpose of that living knowledge , but rather in this , so that a kind of formula sanque , fo
In actual fact, these things the authority of the Protocol shall resume their force in thy wrath thou in courts of justice no one, for he has not been appointed for the purpose of that living knowledge , but in this
Verum enim yeró protocoli isthaec authoritas in furo in iudiciis vim süam no habet, cum illius vius ad id destinatus non fuerit, fed in hoc potius, vt sanquam formula quaedam, & fo lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria perpetuam habitura fidem transcribi valeant ficuti oftendit cap. quoníam contra,
Truth is , indeed, the authority that these protocols in anger at his court has no power , when a truce was not destined to be , but rather the fact that fulfills certain formula , and so a regular charagma the secretary asserted that there is likely to be authentic copies of lifelong faith oftendit like the cap can be transferred . because ,
Verum enim yeró protocoli isthaec authoritas in furo in iudiciis vim süam no habet, cum illius vius ad id destinatus non fuerit, fed in hoc potius, vt sanquam formula quaedam, & fo lemne quoddam charagma apud notarium asseruertur , vt inde authentica exemplaria perpetuam habitura fidem transcribi valeant ficuti ostendit cap. quoníam contra, de’ probatio
Truth is , indeed, the authority that these protocols in anger at his court has no power , when a truce was not destined to be , but rather the fact that fulfills certain formula , and so a regular charagma the secretary asserted that there is likely to be authentic copies of lifelong faith oftendit like the cap can be transferred . because of the ' trial
VOL. III. IO
146 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
Syria, it would at any rate have been governed by men with a wider outlook." 1
The next incident of importance in Pilate's career is of particular interest in that it would appear to have received the notice of our Lord Himself.
Honestly desiring to benefit Jerusalem, and stimulated doubtless by the architectural achievements of his royal predecessor, Pilate determined to construct an aqueduct, some 25 miles in length, which would convey water from the Pools of Solomon to the city. But, as funds were short, he appropriated the money in the Temple treasury, excusing his conduct on the plea that the proposed work was for the public benefit. Thus provided, he began the construction of the con- duit, Caiaphas either agreeing to the diversion of the Corban or feeling himself unable to offer opposition.
But the people were not so pacific. A revolt at once occurred ; the cessation of the works and the restitu- tion of the Corban were demanded. Rioting became general, and in the quelling of the disturbance by the Roman legionaries considerable loss of life was entailed. Apparently the Tower of Siloam was part of the necessary building operations, for it fell at this time, and the death of the workmen crushed by its masonry was generally regarded by the Jews as a righteous judgment. It is this episode which is believed to be the key to the meaning of Lk. 13 1 - 5 , and possibly also Lk. 1428-30 . " ]?or which of you, desiring to build a tower, doth not first sit down and count the cost, whether he 1 A. E. Hillard, "Pilate," Hastings' DB (one vol.).
JESUS' DEATH AND RESUERECTION 147
hath wherewith to complete it ? Lest haply, when he hath laid a foundation, and is not able to finish, all that behold begin to mock him, saying, This man began to build, and was not able to finish."
The Galileans slain at this time were the subjects of Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee, and he was naturally displeased at the occurrence. He therefore " wrote to Pilate a letter of complaint, to which the Procurator replied in a spirit of conciliation, explaining the trans- action, and justifying his soldiers in the circumstances. But Antipas was not convinced, and the relations between the two governors became strained. There were probably also other causes at work to create friction between them, such as questions of jurisdiction, or of boundaries between the districts, or of the occupa- tion of the palaces at Jerusalem, where they both usually met at the feasts. This coolness continued until they were reconciled at the time of our Lord's trial " (Lk. 23 12 ). 1
The end of Pilate's rule was brought about by a disturbance in Samaria. Tradition said that the vessels of the Tabernacle had been buried on Mount Gerizim, and a band of armed men escorted thither an impostor who promised to reveal them. Pilate sent troops to the spot, who, after a massacre, dispersed the multitude. Complaint was made to Vitellius, the Legatus of Syria, who seems at this time to have had authority over the governor of Judaea. Pilate was ordered to justify
1 S. Buss, Roman Law and History in the 'New Testament, p. 199.
148 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
himself at Rome, but before he arrived there Tiberius had died, and Pilate was not reappointed. Eusebius states that he committed suicide, tradition fixing the tragedy in a lonely tarn near the summit of Mount Pilatus overlooking Lucerne.
In Lk. 23 2 there occurs the threefold indictment brought about by the Jews against Jesus : " We found this man :
(a) perverting our nation,
(b) forbidding to give tribute to Caesar,
(c) saying that he himself is Christ a king."
Of these three charges Pilate fixed upon the third, ignoring the first probably on account of its vagueness, and the second by reason of its falsity. The third, however, was a serious one, for it alleged the greatest crime possible against the Roman state the crime of Majestas or High Treason.
It was called Majestas on account of the magnitude of the offence, and it embraced the following : ; ' Bear- ing arms against the State, levying troops without authority, sedition, mutiny, slaying a magistrate, deserting to the enemy, or causing a Roman army to be caught in ambush or surrendered to the enemy, prevent- ing the success of the Roman arms, inciting a friendly state to make war on Rome, aiding an enemy with munitions of war, entering into communication with
JESUS' DEATH AND RESURRECTION 149
the enemy, or giving him advice to be used against Rome." 1
Under Tiberius, who was the reigning Emperor at the time of our Lord's trial, this law was made an instrument of terrible oppression. It was purposely vague and comprehensive, so that it might serve as a convenient way of removing an undesirable person ; and so, like the lettres de cachet of the French Bastille, it left no man safe. An act, a word, or a letter might be sufficient to ensure conviction, and the most trifling act of dis- respect to the Emperor could be used as evidence for condemnation.
" Later Emperors considerably modified the oppres- sive application of this law. Mere verbal insults were not regarded as treason, and the emperors Theodosius, Arcadius, and Honorius are reported to have said that, ' if the words were uttered in a spirit of frivolity, the attack merits contempt ; if from madness, they excite pity ; if from malice they are to be forgiven.'
" The charge of Majestas was worked in its most oppressive form during the reign of Tiberius. It was one which was difficult to refute. ' Every one that maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.' No one could be permitted to assume such a title of his own will. Archelaus had done so, after the death of his father, and was refused the title for his presumption. It was the business of the emperor and the senate to make and unmake kings, and in all cases to be the
1 S. Buss, Roman Law and History in the New Testament, p. 209.
150 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
fountain of honour. The very word ' king ' had been hateful to the Roman people since the expulsion of the kings, and the establishment of the Republic. Julius Caesar, though he desired to wear the kingly crown, thought it prudent to decline it when offered ; and Augustus, with the same feeling in his mind, refused the similar title of ' Dictator.' Thus the very word itself was under a ban, and to claim it was a heinous offence. Whosoever did so was guilty of High Treason, guilty of the Crimen ICBSCB majcstatis." l
THE PRIMITIVE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 161
And in the reign of Honorius (395-423 A.D.) the poet Claudius Rutilius Numatianus actually wished that Judaea had never been subdued by Pompey and Titus ; for then the pestilence would not have spread so widely, and the conquered nation would not have oppressed its conquerors. Women were especially impressionable, and it is recorded that in the time of Nero the women of Damascus were all, with a few exceptions, captivated by the Jewish religion. It appealed mainly indeed, as Josephus observes, to the lower orders ; yet it won not a few ladies of rank even in the imperial capital, like Fulvia, that Roman lady whose pious generosity was so grossly abused, and Nero's unhappy empress, Poppaea Sabina. Nor were there lacking men of exalted station who embraced the Jewish faith, like the chamberlain of Candace, the Queen of Ethiopia, Azizus, King of Emesa, and Polemo, King of Cilicia." *
Three conditions were imposed upon the new con- verts to Judaism, namely, circumcision, baptism, and sacrifice. The sacrifice was an expression of thanks- giving and an outward token of the individual recogni- tion of the place of the Temple in the Jewish ritual. Baptism was necessary because the heathen were " unclean " and therefore needed cleansing, and neither of these conditions offered any great obstacle. But the rite of circumcision was a different matter, and many converts quailed before the operation. Such were not true proselytes, but were termed " God
1 David Smith, The, Life and Letters of St. Paul, p. 5. VOL. III. II
162 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
fearers," and "worshippers of God," and "devout persons" (Acts 10 2 - 22 13 16 - 26 - 50 16 14 17 4 - 17 etc.). These lived, as it were, on the fringe of Judaism and sometimes were its generous benefactors, such as the centurion who built the synagogue (Lk. 7 2fr -).
It is said that the Jews never really reconciled them- selves even to the proselytes who accepted the condition of conversion in full, and that they considered them " as great a plague as leprosy." Nevertheless they very much disliked to see them detached from the synagogue and joining the Christian Church. Yet such apostasy from Judaism could be easily under- stood, since Christianity offered the Gentile all and more than Judaism did, and that without any of those conditions of ritual to which they found it so hard to conform.
THE DAY OF PENTECOST.
According to Jewish tradition, the Day of Pentecost was the anniversary of the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai. It was also called " The Feast of Weeks " (Exod. 34 22 ), " The Feast of Ingathering " (Exod. 23 16 ), and the "Day of First-fruits" (Num. 28 26 ). The name " Pentecost," meaning " the fiftieth day," refers to the interval from the Passover, while the terms " Feast of Ingathering " and " Day of First- fruits " indicate the character of the festivals. It was a very popular feast, almost as many Jews assembling at Jerusalem for it as for the Passover.
THE PRIMITIVE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 163
Indeed, more Jews came from a distance, probably because the season of the year was more favourable for travel.
The special sacrifices enjoined for this feast are detailed in Num. 28 20 ' 31 . The distinctive peculiarity of Pentecost was the presentation of the two wave loaves, which were made in a particular manner. The wheat was brought to the Temple, threshed and passed through twelve sieves, and from the flour thus obtained two omers were measured out for the two loaves. Care was exercised that the flour for each loaf was taken separately, kneaded with lukewarm water and separately baked. The loaves were made on the evening preceding the festival, unless that was the Sabbath, when they were prepared two evenings before. In shape they were long and flat and turned up at the corners, and they weighed about 5| Ibs. each. Con- trary to the common rule of the sanctuary, these loaves were leavened.
The festival lasted for one day, though the later Jews allowed two days for it on account of the difficulty those of the Dispersion experienced in ascertaining exactly the day of the Palestinian month. It was a day of holy convocation, when no servile work could be done, and it was especially regarded as a day of thanksgiving. Thus it was enacted that after the ceremony of the wave loaves each should bring such a freewill offering as he could afford, and the afternoons and evenings were spent in the festive meal, held within the Temple precincts, to -which the poor, the stranger,
164 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
and the Levite were bidden as the Lord's welcome guests (Lev. 23 22 , Deut. 16 10 - n ).
The following articles also bear upon this section :
The Church Meetings, vol. iii. p. 258.
Church Organization and Ministry, vol. iii. p. 297.
HEROD'S PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCH 181
The tragic manner of Agrippa's death is related in Acts 12 20 ' 23 . Josephus stated that the occasion was the celebration of games in honour of Claudius, but the " set day " of verse 21 has been otherwise explained.
" This festival," says Lewin, ' possesses so much interest, from its connection with our own country, that we may be excused for stating the occasion of it. In A.D. 42, for the first time since Julius Caesar, the Romans, under Aulus Plautius, invaded Britain. It creates a smile to read that the legions were with diffi- culty prevailed upon to cross the ocean, as Britain lay beyond the limits of the habitable world. By the summer of A.D. 43, Plautius had defeated Caractacus, and slain Togodumnus, the two sons of Cunobelin, the late king of the Trinobantes, the most powerful people of the island ; and Camulodunum, or Colchester, their capital, lay at his mercy. The intelligence was conveyed to Claudius, and, eager to wear the laurels which his general had won, he sailed from Ostia to Marseilles, traversed Gaul to Boulogne, crossed into Britain, and joined the army of Plautius on the banks of the Thames. The Emperor ostensibly assumed the command, drove the enemy before him, and took Colchester. He was only sixteen days in Britain, when he returned to Italy to celebrate his triumph. He reached Rome the beginning of A.D. 44, and nothing proves more clearly how formidable were our ancestors than the rejoicings at Rome and throughout the Empire on the result of the campaign. To have visited so remote and barbarous a country was an enterprise in itself ; but to have won
182 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
a victory there, and sacked the capital, was a feat of arms almost unparalleled. Claudius was repeatedly saluted ' Imperator ' ; he was called ' Britannicus ' ; the same name was conferred on his son ; the palace was surmounted by a naval crown ; an arch was erected at Rome on the spot whence he had commenced his journey ; and another at Boulogne, from which he had sailed. A triumphal procession was conducted with the utmost splendour, and his wife, Messalina, accom- panied the pageant in a gorgeous " carpentum," or state carriage, especially decreed to her on the occasion. To commemorate the event, an annual festival was instituted at Rome, and chariot-races, beast-fights, athletic exercises, and war-dances were exhibited, and (which was unusual) in two theatres at once. The fulsome adulation of the provinces was not wanting, and the glorious return of the Emperor was celebrated with little less magnificence in the theatre at Ceesarea. Agrippa, who had received such benefits from the Emperor, was not likely to lose an opportunity of testifying his joy at his patron's successes, and he repaired to Csesarea, to increase the splendour of the scene by his royal presence." l
The following account of Agrippa's death is given by Josephus : " Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Caesarea, which was formerly called Strato's Tower ; and there he ex- hibited shows in honour of Csesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated
1 T. Lewin, The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. i. p. 110.
HEROD'S PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCH 183
to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theatre early in the morning ; at which time the silver of his garment, being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him ; and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another (though not for his good), that he was a god ; and they added, ' Be thou merciful to us ; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee superior to a mortal nature.' Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But, as he presently afterwards looked up, he saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him ; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, ' I, whom you call a god, am com- manded presently to depart this life ; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me ; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God ; for
184 THE LOCAL COLOUR OF THE BIBLE
we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.' When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace ; and the rumour went abroad everywhere that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign."
http://www.alamut.com/subj/artiface/deadMedia/agoraMuseum.html
The Technology of Identification
After the kleroterion allotment system, the second phase of an Athenian citizen's passage through the political system was an easy one. It consisted of the citizen's showing up for the office for which he had been selected.
And yet for Athenian society in general, this phase was fraught with the risk of inefficiency and corruption. The citizen might not show up when needed, after all. Or he might show up at the wrong place. Or worst of all, someone not actually selected for the office might show up in his stead.
Whatever the problem, though, the Greeks had a doodad for it, and for this one -- the problem of getting the right citizen in the right office at the right time -- they had at least three.
A. Allotment tokens
Among the most fascinating objects in the Agora Museum, the little bits of ceramic identified as "allotment tokens" are also among the most obscurely explained by the museum literature.
Their design is clear enough. About the size of a Scrabble piece magnified by 2, these fire-hardened clay plaques differed from a Scrabble piece in shape only by virtue of the fact that one edge had an irregular, one-of- a-kind jigsaw cut to it. This edge fit neatly into the jigsawed edge of one, and only one, other token, from which it had been cleaved before being fired.
There was writing on the tokens as well. Painted onto the original clay plaque before it was cut and fired were the name of a tribe, the name of a deme, and in the case of the existing specimens, the letters "POL", thought to be an abbreviation for a political office. The office and deme names were written on one side of the plaque, at opposite ends from each other, and the tribe name was written across the middle of the other side, so that when the plaque was cut in two, one half bore the deme name, the other bore the office name, and each bore a piece of the bisected tribe name, which would only become legible again when the two pieces were rejoined.
What was the point of this high-concept design? The museum literature offers only the tentative suggestion that the tokens were "a possible means of allotment." But it's hard to imagine how they could be sensibly used for that purpose, especially when the magisterial kleroterion already did the job handily.
The seasoned Necronaut can only conclude that, like the cyrograph used in medieval monasteries to ensure the validity of copied manuscripts (Working Note 00.7) and the tally sticks used by the old English Exchequer to ensure the stick-bearer's right to valuables deposited with the king (Working Note 24.3), the "allotment" tokens were a kind of premodern authentication device.
I imagine it worked about like this:
After a citizen was allotted a particular office -- probably a low-profile one with a high turnover -- he was issued the "office" half of one of the token pairs. The other half, presumably, named the citizen's deme and was given over to an officer of his tribe whose duty it was to hold onto these things for safe keeping.
When the citizen then went to perform the duties of his newly allotted office, he took his token with him. If anyone challenged his right to be there doing what he was doing (not unlikely; Athens, as near as I can make out, was lousy with political sticklers and cranks), he could simply produce the token. If this didn't satisfy the challenger, they could both walk over to the citizen's tribal headquarters and match his token with its well- guarded mate, thus settling the matter.
Revisit the Working Notes on the cyrograph and the tally sticks and you will, I think, be struck by the remarkable similarities of design between those later devices and the Athenian allotment tokens. Were those later inventions then copies of this earlier one? I doubt it. Simple and ingenious as it is, the idea was bound to recur of its own accord.
Indeed, as George Dyson points out in his discussion of the tally sticks, the idea has lately popped up again, in disembodied form, in certain digital authentication systems based on the splitting of very large numbers into their two prime factors.
But the allotment token is an instructive artifact nonetheless -- if only because it shows us that the so- called smart card, so often taken as an icon of information-age ingenuity, is in fact not only an archaic invention but an ancient one.
B. Juror tickets
We have seen how the bronze or wooden juror tickets were used in conjunction with the allotment machine, but that was only part of their use in the jury system. The museum literature describes the rest of it, starting with what happened after all the balls had dropped through the kleroterion's tube and the remaining tickets -- those of the selected jurors -- were pulled out of their slots:
"The tickets of the allotted jurors were given to the archon in charge, who, having identified each man, allowed him to draw from a box a bronze ball inscribed with a letter indicating the court to which he was assigned. The archon then placed his ticket in the box destined to go to that court so that the juror could receive his pay and reclaim his ticket only in the court to which he had been allotted." ("The Athenian Citizen," Picture Book No. 4, p. 21)
The tickets served essentially the same validating purpose as the allotment tokens, in other words, although in a comparatively low-tech fashion. No wooden ones survive, as far as I know, but they no doubt resembled the bronze ones: long, thin strips, about 1 inch by 5, engraved with the ticketholder's name. The surviving tickets sometimes show signs of reuse, with previous holders' names flattened out and new ones inscribed.
I imagine that the greater investment of cleverness and manufacturing effort in the allotment tokens reflected a greater importance attached to the offices they secured. Or it might just have reflected a greater likelihood of fraud in the exercise of those offices.
C. Tagging ropes
We come now to the lowest of the low technology used in identifying citizens assigned to a particular duty: the ropes, dipped in red paint, that were swung at citizens hanging out down in the Agora when everybody was supposed to be up in the Assembly. The "police" who did the swinging were public slaves, held in common by the citizenry, and when they thwapped you with their ropes, you were truly busted: with a big red stripe across your toga, it was no use lingering in the Agora or trying to slink home. You would be fined on sight.
Of course, no material traces of this technology survive for display. All the elements of the apparatus -- the ropes, the paint, the slaves -- were quite perishable.
Footnote:
Yes, it is both oversimplifying and somewhat perverse to characterize slavery as a technological phenomenon, but I don't think it's an entirely misguided way of thinking about it. Certainly ancient cultures, still half-immersed in animistic worldviews, would have drawn a softer line than we do between harnessing the inner force of, say, wind or fire or metals and harnessing the inner force of fellow humans.
For that matter, it probably wouldn't be too hard, and might even be illuminating, to make the case that in some historical instances slavery has served as a kind of medium. Another Working Note, perhaps. For now, let's just say it's a fine thing this medium is as dead as it is.