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[[Josephus]] while quoting [[Aristotle]] on his Against Apion tells us that: | [[Josephus]] while quoting [[Aristotle]] on his Against Apion tells us that: | ||
<blockquote> | <blockquote> | ||
"Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. His words are these: "The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that are in Palestine are [[circumcise]]d." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are [[circumcise]]d excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them."<Ref name="AgainstApion">Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, 1.22, 161; translated William Whiston, A.M., Ed.</Ref> | "Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. His words are these: "The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that are in Palestine are [[circumcise]]d." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are [[circumcise]]d excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them."<Ref name="AgainstApion">Flavius Josephus, [[Josephus#Against_Apion|Against Apion]], 1.22, 161; translated William Whiston, A.M., Ed.</Ref> | ||
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== Against Apion == | == Against Apion == | ||
I found two translations of what we identify as '''Against Apion'''<Ref name="againstJ></Ref> By Flavius Josephus among ''The Works of Flavius Josephus''. There is the one translated "by William Whiston, A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. '''1895'''" and an earlier one "By WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A., Some time Professor of the Mathematicks in the University of Cambridge" designated '''LONDON 1737'''". | |||
[https://penelope.uchicago.edu/josephus/apion-1.html Book 1] | |||
[ | [https://penelope.uchicago.edu/josephus/apion-2.html Book 2] | ||
But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his 1 but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: "That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotonlate by birth, affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches." | ---- | ||
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: left; color: green;" | |||
|colspan="1"|John E. Beardsley, '''1895''' | |||
|colspan="1"|University of Cambridge, '''1737''' | |||
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| [J. Apion Book 1.22, sec 161] | |||
161. "But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. | |||
'''Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos,''' lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his[1]<Ref>[1] This is a thing well known by the learned, that we are not secure that we have any genuine writings of Pythagoras; those Golden Verses, which are his best remains, being generally supposed to have been written not by himself, but by some of his scholars only, in agreement with what Josephus here affirms of him.</Ref> but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: | |||
: "That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotonlate by birth, affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches." | |||
|[J. Ap. Book 1.22, sec 161, '''LONDON 1737'''.] | |||
22. But now it is proper to satisfy the enquiry of those, that disbelieve the records of barbarians; and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit: and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation; and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. | |||
'''Pythagoras therefore of Samos''' lived in very antient times: and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom, and piety towards God. Now ’tis plain, that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his. (18)<Ref>(18) This is a thing well known by the learned: that we are not secure that we have any genuine writings of Pythagoras. Those Golden Verses, which are his best remains, being generally supposed to have been written not by himself, but by some of his scholars only: in agreement with what Josephus here affirms of him.</Ref> But many there are who have written his history. Of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated. Who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: | |||
: that “Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed, that this man’s soul conversed with him, both night and day; and injoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down: as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches.” | |||
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=== Doctrines of the Jews - Corban === | |||
After which he adds thus: "This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy." | |||
For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. | |||
This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that "the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths." | |||
Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called '''[[Corban]]''': which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call "A thing devoted to God." | |||
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'''Doctrines of the Jews - Corban''' | |||
After which he adds this, “This he did, and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians: which he transferred into his own philosophy.” | |||
For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities: and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. | |||
This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws. For he says, “That the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths.” | |||
Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called '''[[Corban]]'''. Which oath can only be found among the Jews: and declares what a man may call A thing devoted to God. | |||
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| Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. | |||
| Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation: but mentions it after a way of his own; when he saith thus, in the second book(16)<Ref>16 Chap. 104.</Ref> concerning the Colchians. | |||
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| '''His words are these:''' "The only people who were '''[[circumcise]]d''' in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them. | |||
| '''His words are these:''' “The only people who were [[circumcise]]d in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians. But the Phenicians, and those Syrians that are in Palestine, confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon, and Parthenius, and their neighbours, the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians. For these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind: and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians, and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other.” This therefore is what Herodotus says, that “The Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised.” But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews. And therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them. | |||
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|'''Cherilus also''', a still ancienter writer, and a poet,2<Ref>2 Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake, or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange people, and spake the Phoenician tongue, is not agreed on by the learned. If is yet certain that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Prep. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews; and I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people, but heathen idolaters, like the other parts of Xerxes's army; and that these spake the Phoenician tongue is next to impossible, as the Jews certainly did; nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solvmi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis; nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews, nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews, to whom he was always very favorable. As for the rest of Cherilus's description, that "''their heads were sooty''; that they had ''round rasures'' on their heads; ''that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke;''" these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidi no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed this reproachful language, here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes; nor are we to expect that either Cherilus or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish history. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentic records of that nation we find them for the main to confirm the same, as we almost always do, we ought to be satisfied, and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs, which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See sect. 23.</Ref> makes mention of our nation, and informs us that it came to the assistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says, | |||
|'''Cherilus also''', a still ancienter writer, and a poet, (19)<Ref>(19) Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake; or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis; that were a strange people; and spake the Phenician tongue; is not agreed on by the learned. ’Tis yet certain, that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Præp. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews. And I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people; but heathen idolaters like the other parts of Xerxes’s army. And that these spake the Phenician tongue is next to impossible: as the Jews certainly did. Nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis. Nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews; nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews: to whom he was always very favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus’s description, that their heads were sooty; that they had ''round rasures'' on their heads; that ''their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke;'' these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidia, no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed, this reproachful language here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi, celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes. Nor are we to expect that either Cherilus, or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers, cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish History. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentick records of that nation, we find them, for the main, to confirm the same; as we almost always do: we ought to be satisfied: and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs: which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See § 23.</Ref> makes mention of our nation; and informs us, that it came to the assistance of King Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says; | |||
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|: "At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld; for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake: their heads were sooty; they had round rasures on them; their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke." | |||
|: "At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld. For they spake the Phenician tongue, with their mouths. They dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake. Their heads were sooty: they had round rasures on them: their heads and faces were like nasty horse heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke." | |||
|- | |||
| I think, therefore, that it is evident to every body that Cherilus means us, because the Solymean mountains are in our country, wherein we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphaltitis; for this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria: and thus does Cherilus make mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophic improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but when they lighted upon any of them, admired them also, it is easy for any one to know. For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says that "Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew," and sets down Aristotle's own discourse with him. The account is this, as written down by him: "Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it; but what includes in it both wonder and philosophy it may not be amiss to discourse of. | |||
| I think therefore that it is evident to every body, that Cherilus means us: because the Solymean mountains are in our country; wherein we inhabit; as is also the lake called Asphaltitis. For this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria. And thus does Cherilus make mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophick improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but, when they lighted upon any of them, admired them also: it is easy for any one to know. For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the peripateticks whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says; that “Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew;” and sets down Aristotle’s own discourse with him. The account is this; as written down by him: “Now for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it. But what includes in it both wonder and philosophy, it may not be amiss to discourse of. | |||
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=== Hyperochides === | |||
Now, that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, For that very reason it is that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was, that so we may not contradict our master's directions. | |||
'''Then said Hyperochides''', Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then, [answered Aristotle,] was by birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria; these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for the name of their city, it is a very awkward one, for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also; insomuch that when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons, and made a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us." This is Aristotle's account of the matter, as given us by Clearchus; which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew in his diet, and continent way of living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus's book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression, for his main design was of another nature. | |||
| '''Hyperochides''' | |||
Now that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders; and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, for that very reason it is, that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle: For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was: that so we may not contradict our master’s directions. | |||
'''Then said Hyperochides''', Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then [answered Aristotle] was by birth a Jew: and came from Celesyria. These Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers. They are named by the Indians, Calami; and by the Syrians, Judæi: and took their name from the country they inhabit; which is called Judea. But for the name of their city, it is a very aukward one: for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country, to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian; not only in his language, but in his soul also. Insomuch that when we our selves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons; and made a trial of our skill in philosophy. And as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us.” This is Aristotle’s account of the matter; as given us by Clearchus: which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew, in his diet, and continent way of living: as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus’s book it self. For I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression. For his main design was of another nature. | |||
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=== Hecateus of Abdera === | |||
'''But for Hecateus of Abdera''', who was both a philosopher, and one very useful ill an active life, he was contemporary with king Alexander in his youth, and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only, but composed an entire book concerning the Jews themselves; out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating by way of epitome. And, in the first place, I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived; for he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius about Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the hundred and seventeenth olympiad, as Castor says in his history. For when he had set down this olympiad, he says further, that "in this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza." Now, it is agreed by all, that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore evident that our nation flourished in his time, and in the time of Alexander. | |||
|'''Hecateus of Abdera''' | |||
'''But for Hecateus of Abdera''', who was both a philosopher, and one very useful in an active life, he was contemporary with King Alexander in his youth; and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only: but composed an intire book concerning the Jews themselves. Out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating, by way of epitome. And in the first place I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived. For he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius, about Gaza: which was fought on the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and on the hundred and seventeenth olympiad: as Castor says, in his History. For when he had set down this olympiad, he says farther, that “On this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza.” Now it is agreed by all, that Alexander died on the hundred and fourteenth olympiad. It is therefore evident, that our nation flourished in his time; and in the time of Alexander. | |||
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| '''Again, Hecateus says''' to the same purpose, as follows: "Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after that battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah[3]<Ref>[3] This Hezekiah, who is here called a high priest, is not named in Josephus's catalogue; the real high priest at that time being rather Onias, as Archbishop Usher supposes. However, Josephus often uses the word high priests in the plural number, as living many at the same time. See the note on Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 8.</Ref> the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skillful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and '''managed public affairs''', and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most." | |||
'''Hecateus mentions''' this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that "as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people; for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing." Moreover, Hecateus declares again, "what regard we have for our laws, and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress them, because we think it right for us to do so." Whereupon he adds, that "although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers." | |||
'''Whereupon he adds''', that "although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and '''will not renounce the [[religion]] of their forefathers.'''" | |||
| '''Again, Hecateus says''', to the same purpose, as follows: “Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria, after that battle at Gaza. And many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation, and humanity, went along with him, to Egypt: and were willing to assist him in his affairs. One of whom Hecateus says was Hezekiah,(20)<Ref>(20) This Hezekiah, who is here called an High-priest, is not named in Josephus’s catalogue. The real High-priest at that time being rather Onias: as Archbishop Ussher supposes. However Josephus often uses the word High-priests in the plural number, as living many at the same time. See the note on Antiq. XX.8.8 [sic. Probably Whiston means XX.8.5, though there is no note there or elsewhere dealing specifically with this question.].</Ref> the High-priest of the Jews. A man of about sixty six years of age; and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man; and could speak very movingly; and was very skilful in the '''management of affairs''', if any other man ever were so. Although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tythes of the products of the earth, and managed publick affairs: and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” | |||
'''Hecateus mentions''' this Hezekiah a second time: and says, that “As he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people. For he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” Moreover, Hecateus declares again, “what regard we have for our laws; and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress them, because we think it right for us to do so.” Whereupon he adds, that “although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbours, and among all those that come to them; and have been often treated injuriously by the Kings and Governors of Persia; yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best: but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people; and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers.” | |||
'''Whereupon he adds''', that “although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbours, and among all those that come to them; and have been often treated injuriously by the Kings and Governors of Persia; yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best: but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people; '''and will not renounce the [[religion]] of their forefathers.'''” | |||
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=== Hecateus also produces === | |||
'''Hecateus also produces''' demonstrations not a few of this their resolute tenaciousness of their laws, when he speaks thus: "Alexander was once at [[Babylon]], and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that command; nay, they underwent stripes and great losses of what they had on this account, till the king forgave them, and permitted them to live in quiet." | |||
'''He adds further''', that "when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all[4]<Ref>[4] So I read the text with Havercamp, though the place be difficult.</Ref> but [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness." He adds further, that "these men deserve to be admired on that account." He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation, and says that "the Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to [[Babylon]], as also that not a few ten thousands were removed after Alexander's death into Egypt and Phoenicia, by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria." | |||
'''The same person takes notice in his history''', how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its excellent character, and says, that "the land in which the Jews inhabit contains three millions of arourae,[5]<Ref>[5] This number of arourae or Egyptian acres, 3,000,000, each aroura containing a square of 100 Egyptian cubits, (being about three quarters of an English acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewish tabernacle,) as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one third of the entire number of arourae in the whole land of Judea, supposing it 160 measured miles long and 70 such miles broad; which estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide from the truth. The fifty furlongs in compass for the city Jerusalem presently are not very wide from the truth also, as Josephus himself describes it, who, Of the War, B. V. ch. 4. sect. 3. makes its wall thirty-three furlongs, besides the suburbs and gardens; nay, he says, B. V. ch. 12. sect. 2, that Titus's wall about it at some small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were destroyed, was not less than thirty-nine furlongs. Nor perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these 120,000, because room was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which came up at the three great festivals; to say nothing of the probable increase in their number between the days of Hecateus and Josephus, which was at least three hundred years. But see a more authentic account of some of these measures in my Description of the Jewish Temples. However, we are not to expect that such heathens as Cherilus or Hecateus, or the rest that are cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making many mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they strongly confirm the same history in the general, and are most valuable attestations to those more authentic accounts we have in the Scriptures and Josephus concerning them.</Ref> and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil; nor is Judea of lesser dimensions." | |||
|'''Hecateus also produces''' | |||
'''Hecateus also produces''' demonstrations, not a few, of this their resolute tenaciousness of their laws; when he speaks thus: “Alexander was once at Babylon, and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus, that was fallen to decay; and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that command. Nay they underwent stripes, and great losses of what they had on this account: till the King forgave them, and permitted them to live in quiet. He adds farther, that when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all.17 But [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness.” | |||
'''He adds farther''', that “These men deserve to be admired on that account.” He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation; and says, that “The Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to Babylon: As also, that not a few ten thousands were removed, after Alexander’s death, into Egypt, and Phenicia; by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria.” The same person takes notice, in his history, how large the country is which we inhabit: as well as of its excellent character: and says, that “The land in which the Jews inhabit, contains three millions of arouræ:18 and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil. Nor is Judea of lesser dimensions.” | |||
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=== Our city Jerusalem=== | |||
The same man describe our city Jerusalem also itself as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it, and of the construction of our temple, after the following manner: "There are many strong places and villages (says he) in the country of Judea; but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts; '''they call it Jerusalem.''' | |||
There is about the middle of the city a wall of stone, whose length is five hundred feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with double cloisters; wherein there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone, but composed of white stones gathered together, having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar and a candlestick, both of gold, and in weight two talents: upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple." | |||
| '''Our city Jerusalem''' | |||
The same man describe our city Jerusalem also it self; as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it; and of the construction of our temple, after the following manner: “There are many strong places and villages, says he, in the country of Judea: but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts.(21)<Ref>(21) This number of arouræ, or Egyptian acres, 3,000,000, each aroura containing a square of 100 Egyptian cubits: (being about three quarters of an English acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewish tabernacle:) as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one third of the intire number of arouræ in the whole land of Judea: supposing it 160 measured miles long, and 70 such miles broad. Which estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide from the truth. The 50 furlongs in compass for the city Jerusalem presently, are not very wide from the truth also: as Josephus himself describes it. Who, Of the War, V.4.3. makes its wall 33 furlongs: besides the suburbs, and gardens. Nay he says, V.12.2. that Titus’s wall about it, at some small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were destroyed, was not less than 39 furlongs. Nor perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these 120,000. Because room was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which came up at the 3 great festivals: to say nothing of the probable increase in their number between the days of Hecateus, and Josephus; which was at least 300 years. But see a more authentick account of some of these measures, in my Description of the Jewish Temples. However, we are not to expect that such heathens as Cherilus, or Hecateus, or the rest that are cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making many mistakes in the Jewish History; while yet they strongly confirm the same History in the general, and are most valuable attestations to those more authentick accounts we have in the Scriptures, and Josephus concerning them.</Ref> '''They call it Jerusalem.''' | |||
There is about the middle of the city a wall of stone, whose length is five hundred feet:(19)<Ref>(19)19 Five plethra.</Ref> and the breadth an hundred cubits: with double cloisters. Wherein there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone; but composed of white stones gathered together; having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar, and a candlestick, both of gold; and in weight two talents. Upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein. Nothing at all is there planted; neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein, both nights and days; performing certain purifications: and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.” | |||
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| '''Moreover, he attests that we Jews went as auxiliaries''' along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add further what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these: "As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skillful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand still, inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the augur showed him the bird from whence he took his augury, and told him that if the bird staid where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward; but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as the augur and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them thus: Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march, who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place, but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and kill him." | |||
| '''Moreover he attests, that we Jews went as auxiliaries''' along with King Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther, what he says he learned, when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these: “As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man whose name was Mosollam: he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us. He was a person of great courage; of a strong body; and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks, or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird; and requiring them all to stand still; enquired what they stayed for? Hereupon the augur shewed him the bird, from whence he took his augury: and told him, that if the bird stayed where he was, they ought all to stand still: but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward: but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply: but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him. And as the augur, and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him; he answered them thus: Why are you so mad, as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? For how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march; who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place; but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and kill him.” | |||
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=== Hecateus's testimonies === | |||
But of Hecateus's testimonies we have said enough; for as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book itself. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews, though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be; for when he was discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, "how she came out of Macedonia into Syria, and left her husband Demetrius, while yet Seleueus would not marry her as she expected, but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch; and how, after that, the king came back, and upon his taking of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia, and had it in her power to sail away immediately yet did she comply with a dream which forbade her so to do, and so was caught and put to death." When Agatharehides had premised this story, and had jested upon Stratonice for her superstition, he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us, and writes thus: "There are a people called Jews, and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day[6]<Ref>6 A glorious testimony this of the observation of the sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4, and ch. 6. sect. 2; the Life, sect. 54; and War, B. IV. ch. 9. sect. 12.</Ref> on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. Now it came to pass, t on which times they make no use of theihat when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered their country to submit itself to a bitter lord; and their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish practice.[7]<Ref>[7] Not their law, but the superstitious interpretation of their leaders which neither the Maccabees nor our blessed Savior did ever approve of.</Ref> This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were, and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do." Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharehides, but will appear to such as consider it without prejudice a great thing, and what deserved a great many encomiums; I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the preservation of themselves and their country. | |||
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'''Hecateus's testimonies''' | |||
But of Hecateus’s testimonies we have said enough. For as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book it self. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews; though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be. For when he was discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, “How she came out of Macedonia, into Syria; and left her husband Demetrius: while yet Seleueus would not marry her, as she expected: but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch. And how after that the King came back; and upon his taking of Antioch she fled to Seleucia; and had it in her power to sail away immediately: yet did she comply with a dream which forbad her so to do; and so was caught; and put to death.” When Agatharchides had premised this story, and had jested upon Stratonice, for her superstition; he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us: and writes thus: “There are a people called Jews; and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem; and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day.(20)<Ref>(20)20 A glorious testimony this of the observation of the sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. XVI.2.4. and XVI.6.2.; the Life, § 54.; and War, IV.9.12.</Ref> On which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life; but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. Now it came to pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered their country to submit it self to a bitter lord. And their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish practice.(21)<Ref>(21) Not their law; but the superstitious interpretation of their leaders; which neither did the Maccabees, nor did our blessed Saviour ever approve of.</Ref> This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were; and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do.” Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharchides: but will appear to such as consider it without prejudice, a great thing; and what deserved a great many encomiums: I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the preservation of themselves, and their country. | |||
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[https://penelope.uchicago.edu/josephus/apion-1.html Alternate translation] | |||
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS OF THE ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS. | |||
AGAINST APION.<Ref name="againstJ>This first book has a wrong title. It is not written against Apion, as is the first part of the second book: but against those Greeks in general who would not believe Josephus’s former accounts of the very ancient state of the Jewish nation, in his XX books of Antiquities. And in particular against Agatharcides, Manetho, Cheremon, and Lysimachus. It is one of the most learned, excellent, and useful books of all antiquity. And upon Jerome’s perusal of this, and the following book, he declares, that “It seems to him a miraculous thing, how one that was an Hebrew, who had been from his infancy instructed in sacred learning, should be able to produce such a number of testimonies out of profane authors: as if he had read over all the Grecian libraries.” Epist. 84, ad Magnum. [Epist. 70.3]. And the learned Jew, Manasseh Ben Israel, esteemed these two books so excellent, as to translate them into Hebrew. This we learn from his own catalogue of his works; which I have seen. As to the time, and place when and where these two books were written; the learned have not hitherto been able to determine them, any farther than that they were written some time after his Antiquities, or some time after A.D. 93. Which indeed is too obvious at their entrance to be overlooked by even a careless peruser. They being directly intended against those that would not believe what he had advanced in those books concerning the great antiquity of the Jewish nation. As to the place, they all imagine that these two books were written, where the former were; I mean at Rome. And I confess that I myself believed both those determinations, till I came to finish my notes upon these books: when I met with plain indications that they were written not at Rome, but in Judea, and this after the 3d of Trajan, or A.D. 100. See the VIth Dissertation, § 3.</Ref> | |||
(22)<Ref>(22) In reading this and the remaining sections of this book, and some parts of the next, one may easily perceive, that our usually cool and candid author, Josephus, was too highly offended with the impudent calumnies of Manetho, and the other bitter enemies of the Jews, with whom he had now to deal: and was thereby betrayed into a greater heat and passion than ordinary: and that, by consequence, he does not here reason with his usual fairness and impartiality. He seems to depart sometimes from the brevity and sincerity of a faithful historian: which is his grand character: and indulges the prolixity, and colours of a pleader, and a disputant. Accordingly I confess I always read these sections with less pleasure than I do the rest of his writings. Though I fully believe the reproaches cast on the Jews, which he here endeavours to confute and expose, were wholly groundless, and unreasonable.</Ref> | |||
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Flavius Josephus. The Works of Flavius Josephus. Translated by William Whiston, A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. 1895. | |||
(17)<Ref>(17) The true number here for the year of Darius, on which the second temple was finished; whether the 2nd with our present copies: or the 6th with that of Syncellus: or the 10th with that of Eusebius, is very uncertain. So we had best follow Josephus’s own account elsewhere, Antiq. XI.3. and 4. which shews us that, according to his copy of the Old Testament, after the 2nd of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the 2nd of Darius, when in 7 years it was finished, on the 9th of Darius.</Ref> | |||
(19)<Ref>(19) Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake; or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis; that were a strange people; and spake the Phenician tongue; is not agreed on by the learned. ’Tis yet certain, that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Præp. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews. And I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people; but heathen idolaters like the other parts of Xerxes’s army. And that these spake the Phenician tongue is next to impossible: as the Jews certainly did. Nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis. Nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews; nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews: to whom he was always very favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus’s description, that their heads were sooty; that they had round rasures on their heads; that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke; these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidia, no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed, this reproachful language here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi, celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes. Nor are we to expect that either Cherilus, or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers, cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish History. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentick records of that nation, we find them, for the main, to confirm the same; as we almost always do: we ought to be satisfied: and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs: which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See § 23.</Ref> | |||
(16) This number in Josephus, that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the temple in the 18th year of his reign, is a mistake in the nicety of chronology. For it was in the 19th. See more of Josephus’s mistakes about these times in he IVth Dissertation, § 33. and see the Chronol. of the Old Test. pag. 58. | |||
== Footnotes == | == Footnotes == | ||
Revision as of 23:39, 20 June 2024
Titus Flavius Josephus
Titus Flavius Josephus, born Yosef ben Matityahu, was a first-century Romano-Jewish historian who was born in Jerusalem—then part of Roman Judea—to a father of priestly descent and a mother who claimed royal ancestry. He wrote the Of the War (See the Table of Contents Of the War) and Antiquities of the Jews See the Table of Contents of Antiquities of the Jews.
Josephus and Aristotle
Josephus while quoting Aristotle on his Against Apion tells us that:
"Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. His words are these: "The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them."[1]
GENUINE WORKS
THE GENUINE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS THE JEWISH HISTORIAN.
Translated from the Original Greek, according to Havercamp’s accurate Edition.
CONTAINING Twenty Books of the JEWISH Antiquities, WITH THE Appendix or Life of JOSEPHUS, written by himself:
Seven Books of the JEWISH WAR:
AND
Two Books against APION.
Of the War
Preface to the War of the Jews
Book I -- From the Taking of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes to the Death of Herod the Great
Book II -- From the Death of Herod till Vespasian was sent to subdue the Jews by Nero
Book III -- From Vespasian's coming to Subdue the Jews to the Taking of Gamala
Book IV -- From the Siege of Gamala to the Coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem
Book V -- From the Coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem to the Great Extremity to which the Jews were reduced
Book VI -- From the Great Extremity to which the Jews were reduced to the taking of Jerusalem by Titus
Book VII -- From the Taking of Jerusalem by Titus to the Sedition of the Jews at Cyrene
Antiquities of the Jews
Preface
Book I From the Creation to the Death of Isaac
Book II From the Death of Isaac to the Exodus out of Egypt
Book III From the Exodus out of Egypt, to the Rejection of that Generation
Book IV From the Rejection of that Generation to the Death of Moses
Book V From the Death of Moses to the Death of Eli
Book VI From the Death of Eli to the Death of Saul
Book VII From the Death of Saul to the Death of David
Book VIII From the Death of David to the Death of Ahab
Book IX From the Death of Ahab to the Captivity of the ten Tribes
Book X From the Captivity of the Ten Tribes to the First of Cyrus
Book XI From the First of Cyrus to the Death of Alexander the Great
Book XII From the Death of Alexander the Great to the Death of Judas Maccabeus
Book XIII From the Death of Judas Maccabeus to the Death of Queen Alexandra
Book XIV From the Death of Queen Alexandra to the Death of Antigonus
Book XV From the Death of Antigonus to the Finishing of the Temple by Herod
Book XVI From the Finishing of the Temple by Herod to the Death of Alexander and Aristobulus
Book XVII From the Death of Alexander and Aristobulus to the Banishment of Archelaus
Book XVIII From the Banishment of Archelaus to the Departure of the Jews from Babylon
Book XIX From the Departure of the Jews out of Babylon to Fadus the Roman Procurator
Book XX From Fadus the Procurator to Florus
Against Apion
I found two translations of what we identify as Against Apion[2] By Flavius Josephus among The Works of Flavius Josephus. There is the one translated "by William Whiston, A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. 1895" and an earlier one "By WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A., Some time Professor of the Mathematicks in the University of Cambridge" designated LONDON 1737".
| John E. Beardsley, 1895 | University of Cambridge, 1737 |
| [J. Apion Book 1.22, sec 161]
161. "But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his[1][3] but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus:
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[J. Ap. Book 1.22, sec 161, LONDON 1737.]
22. But now it is proper to satisfy the enquiry of those, that disbelieve the records of barbarians; and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit: and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation; and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. Pythagoras therefore of Samos lived in very antient times: and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom, and piety towards God. Now ’tis plain, that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his. (18)[4] But many there are who have written his history. Of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated. Who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus:
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Doctrines of the Jews - CorbanAfter which he adds thus: "This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy." For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that "the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths." Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Corban: which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call "A thing devoted to God." |
Doctrines of the Jews - Corban After which he adds this, “This he did, and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians: which he transferred into his own philosophy.” For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities: and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws. For he says, “That the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths.” Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Corban. Which oath can only be found among the Jews: and declares what a man may call A thing devoted to God. |
| Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. | Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation: but mentions it after a way of his own; when he saith thus, in the second book(16)[5] concerning the Colchians. |
| His words are these: "The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them. | His words are these: “The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians. But the Phenicians, and those Syrians that are in Palestine, confess that they learned it from the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon, and Parthenius, and their neighbours, the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians. For these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind: and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians, and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other.” This therefore is what Herodotus says, that “The Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised.” But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews. And therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them. |
| Cherilus also, a still ancienter writer, and a poet,2[6] makes mention of our nation, and informs us that it came to the assistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says, | Cherilus also, a still ancienter writer, and a poet, (19)[7] makes mention of our nation; and informs us, that it came to the assistance of King Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says; |
| : "At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld; for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake: their heads were sooty; they had round rasures on them; their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke." | : "At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld. For they spake the Phenician tongue, with their mouths. They dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake. Their heads were sooty: they had round rasures on them: their heads and faces were like nasty horse heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke." |
| I think, therefore, that it is evident to every body that Cherilus means us, because the Solymean mountains are in our country, wherein we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphaltitis; for this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria: and thus does Cherilus make mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophic improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but when they lighted upon any of them, admired them also, it is easy for any one to know. For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says that "Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew," and sets down Aristotle's own discourse with him. The account is this, as written down by him: "Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it; but what includes in it both wonder and philosophy it may not be amiss to discourse of. | I think therefore that it is evident to every body, that Cherilus means us: because the Solymean mountains are in our country; wherein we inhabit; as is also the lake called Asphaltitis. For this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria. And thus does Cherilus make mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophick improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but, when they lighted upon any of them, admired them also: it is easy for any one to know. For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the peripateticks whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says; that “Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew;” and sets down Aristotle’s own discourse with him. The account is this; as written down by him: “Now for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it. But what includes in it both wonder and philosophy, it may not be amiss to discourse of. |
HyperochidesNow, that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, For that very reason it is that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was, that so we may not contradict our master's directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then, [answered Aristotle,] was by birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria; these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for the name of their city, it is a very awkward one, for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also; insomuch that when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons, and made a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us." This is Aristotle's account of the matter, as given us by Clearchus; which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew in his diet, and continent way of living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus's book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression, for his main design was of another nature. |
Hyperochides
Now that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders; and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, for that very reason it is, that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle: For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was: that so we may not contradict our master’s directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then [answered Aristotle] was by birth a Jew: and came from Celesyria. These Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers. They are named by the Indians, Calami; and by the Syrians, Judæi: and took their name from the country they inhabit; which is called Judea. But for the name of their city, it is a very aukward one: for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country, to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian; not only in his language, but in his soul also. Insomuch that when we our selves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons; and made a trial of our skill in philosophy. And as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us.” This is Aristotle’s account of the matter; as given us by Clearchus: which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew, in his diet, and continent way of living: as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus’s book it self. For I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression. For his main design was of another nature. |
Hecateus of AbderaBut for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher, and one very useful ill an active life, he was contemporary with king Alexander in his youth, and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only, but composed an entire book concerning the Jews themselves; out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating by way of epitome. And, in the first place, I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived; for he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius about Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the hundred and seventeenth olympiad, as Castor says in his history. For when he had set down this olympiad, he says further, that "in this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza." Now, it is agreed by all, that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore evident that our nation flourished in his time, and in the time of Alexander. |
Hecateus of Abdera
But for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher, and one very useful in an active life, he was contemporary with King Alexander in his youth; and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only: but composed an intire book concerning the Jews themselves. Out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating, by way of epitome. And in the first place I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived. For he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius, about Gaza: which was fought on the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and on the hundred and seventeenth olympiad: as Castor says, in his History. For when he had set down this olympiad, he says farther, that “On this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza.” Now it is agreed by all, that Alexander died on the hundred and fourteenth olympiad. It is therefore evident, that our nation flourished in his time; and in the time of Alexander. |
| Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows: "Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after that battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah[3][8] the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skillful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most."
Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that "as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people; for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing." Moreover, Hecateus declares again, "what regard we have for our laws, and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress them, because we think it right for us to do so." Whereupon he adds, that "although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers." Whereupon he adds, that "although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers." |
Again, Hecateus says, to the same purpose, as follows: “Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria, after that battle at Gaza. And many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation, and humanity, went along with him, to Egypt: and were willing to assist him in his affairs. One of whom Hecateus says was Hezekiah,(20)[9] the High-priest of the Jews. A man of about sixty six years of age; and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man; and could speak very movingly; and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so. Although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tythes of the products of the earth, and managed publick affairs: and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.”
Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time: and says, that “As he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people. For he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” Moreover, Hecateus declares again, “what regard we have for our laws; and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress them, because we think it right for us to do so.” Whereupon he adds, that “although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbours, and among all those that come to them; and have been often treated injuriously by the Kings and Governors of Persia; yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best: but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people; and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers.” Whereupon he adds, that “although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbours, and among all those that come to them; and have been often treated injuriously by the Kings and Governors of Persia; yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best: but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people; and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers.” |
Hecateus also producesHecateus also produces demonstrations not a few of this their resolute tenaciousness of their laws, when he speaks thus: "Alexander was once at Babylon, and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that command; nay, they underwent stripes and great losses of what they had on this account, till the king forgave them, and permitted them to live in quiet." He adds further, that "when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all[4][10] but [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness." He adds further, that "these men deserve to be admired on that account." He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation, and says that "the Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to Babylon, as also that not a few ten thousands were removed after Alexander's death into Egypt and Phoenicia, by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria." The same person takes notice in his history, how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its excellent character, and says, that "the land in which the Jews inhabit contains three millions of arourae,[5][11] and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil; nor is Judea of lesser dimensions." |
Hecateus also produces
Hecateus also produces demonstrations, not a few, of this their resolute tenaciousness of their laws; when he speaks thus: “Alexander was once at Babylon, and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus, that was fallen to decay; and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that command. Nay they underwent stripes, and great losses of what they had on this account: till the King forgave them, and permitted them to live in quiet. He adds farther, that when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all.17 But [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness.” He adds farther, that “These men deserve to be admired on that account.” He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation; and says, that “The Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to Babylon: As also, that not a few ten thousands were removed, after Alexander’s death, into Egypt, and Phenicia; by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria.” The same person takes notice, in his history, how large the country is which we inhabit: as well as of its excellent character: and says, that “The land in which the Jews inhabit, contains three millions of arouræ:18 and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil. Nor is Judea of lesser dimensions.” |
Our city JerusalemThe same man describe our city Jerusalem also itself as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it, and of the construction of our temple, after the following manner: "There are many strong places and villages (says he) in the country of Judea; but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts; they call it Jerusalem. There is about the middle of the city a wall of stone, whose length is five hundred feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with double cloisters; wherein there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone, but composed of white stones gathered together, having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar and a candlestick, both of gold, and in weight two talents: upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple." |
Our city Jerusalem
The same man describe our city Jerusalem also it self; as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it; and of the construction of our temple, after the following manner: “There are many strong places and villages, says he, in the country of Judea: but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts.(21)[12] They call it Jerusalem. There is about the middle of the city a wall of stone, whose length is five hundred feet:(19)[13] and the breadth an hundred cubits: with double cloisters. Wherein there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone; but composed of white stones gathered together; having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar, and a candlestick, both of gold; and in weight two talents. Upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein. Nothing at all is there planted; neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein, both nights and days; performing certain purifications: and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.” |
| Moreover, he attests that we Jews went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add further what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these: "As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skillful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand still, inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the augur showed him the bird from whence he took his augury, and told him that if the bird staid where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward; but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as the augur and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them thus: Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march, who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place, but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and kill him." | Moreover he attests, that we Jews went as auxiliaries along with King Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther, what he says he learned, when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these: “As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man whose name was Mosollam: he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us. He was a person of great courage; of a strong body; and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks, or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird; and requiring them all to stand still; enquired what they stayed for? Hereupon the augur shewed him the bird, from whence he took his augury: and told him, that if the bird stayed where he was, they ought all to stand still: but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward: but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply: but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him. And as the augur, and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him; he answered them thus: Why are you so mad, as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? For how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march; who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place; but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and kill him.” |
Hecateus's testimoniesBut of Hecateus's testimonies we have said enough; for as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book itself. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews, though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be; for when he was discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, "how she came out of Macedonia into Syria, and left her husband Demetrius, while yet Seleueus would not marry her as she expected, but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch; and how, after that, the king came back, and upon his taking of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia, and had it in her power to sail away immediately yet did she comply with a dream which forbade her so to do, and so was caught and put to death." When Agatharehides had premised this story, and had jested upon Stratonice for her superstition, he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us, and writes thus: "There are a people called Jews, and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day[6][14] on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. Now it came to pass, t on which times they make no use of theihat when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered their country to submit itself to a bitter lord; and their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish practice.[7][15] This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were, and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do." Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharehides, but will appear to such as consider it without prejudice a great thing, and what deserved a great many encomiums; I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the preservation of themselves and their country. |
Hecateus's testimonies But of Hecateus’s testimonies we have said enough. For as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book it self. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews; though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be. For when he was discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, “How she came out of Macedonia, into Syria; and left her husband Demetrius: while yet Seleueus would not marry her, as she expected: but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch. And how after that the King came back; and upon his taking of Antioch she fled to Seleucia; and had it in her power to sail away immediately: yet did she comply with a dream which forbad her so to do; and so was caught; and put to death.” When Agatharchides had premised this story, and had jested upon Stratonice, for her superstition; he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us: and writes thus: “There are a people called Jews; and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem; and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day.(20)[16] On which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life; but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. Now it came to pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered their country to submit it self to a bitter lord. And their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish practice.(21)[17] This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were; and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do.” Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharchides: but will appear to such as consider it without prejudice, a great thing; and what deserved a great many encomiums: I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the preservation of themselves, and their country. |
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS OF THE ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS. AGAINST APION.[2]
(22)[18] |- |}
Flavius Josephus. The Works of Flavius Josephus. Translated by William Whiston, A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. 1895.
(17)[19]
(19)[20]
(16) This number in Josephus, that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the temple in the 18th year of his reign, is a mistake in the nicety of chronology. For it was in the 19th. See more of Josephus’s mistakes about these times in he IVth Dissertation, § 33. and see the Chronol. of the Old Test. pag. 58.
Footnotes
- ↑ Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, 1.22, 161; translated William Whiston, A.M., Ed.
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 This first book has a wrong title. It is not written against Apion, as is the first part of the second book: but against those Greeks in general who would not believe Josephus’s former accounts of the very ancient state of the Jewish nation, in his XX books of Antiquities. And in particular against Agatharcides, Manetho, Cheremon, and Lysimachus. It is one of the most learned, excellent, and useful books of all antiquity. And upon Jerome’s perusal of this, and the following book, he declares, that “It seems to him a miraculous thing, how one that was an Hebrew, who had been from his infancy instructed in sacred learning, should be able to produce such a number of testimonies out of profane authors: as if he had read over all the Grecian libraries.” Epist. 84, ad Magnum. [Epist. 70.3]. And the learned Jew, Manasseh Ben Israel, esteemed these two books so excellent, as to translate them into Hebrew. This we learn from his own catalogue of his works; which I have seen. As to the time, and place when and where these two books were written; the learned have not hitherto been able to determine them, any farther than that they were written some time after his Antiquities, or some time after A.D. 93. Which indeed is too obvious at their entrance to be overlooked by even a careless peruser. They being directly intended against those that would not believe what he had advanced in those books concerning the great antiquity of the Jewish nation. As to the place, they all imagine that these two books were written, where the former were; I mean at Rome. And I confess that I myself believed both those determinations, till I came to finish my notes upon these books: when I met with plain indications that they were written not at Rome, but in Judea, and this after the 3d of Trajan, or A.D. 100. See the VIth Dissertation, § 3.
- ↑ [1] This is a thing well known by the learned, that we are not secure that we have any genuine writings of Pythagoras; those Golden Verses, which are his best remains, being generally supposed to have been written not by himself, but by some of his scholars only, in agreement with what Josephus here affirms of him.
- ↑ (18) This is a thing well known by the learned: that we are not secure that we have any genuine writings of Pythagoras. Those Golden Verses, which are his best remains, being generally supposed to have been written not by himself, but by some of his scholars only: in agreement with what Josephus here affirms of him.
- ↑ 16 Chap. 104.
- ↑ 2 Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake, or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange people, and spake the Phoenician tongue, is not agreed on by the learned. If is yet certain that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Prep. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews; and I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people, but heathen idolaters, like the other parts of Xerxes's army; and that these spake the Phoenician tongue is next to impossible, as the Jews certainly did; nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solvmi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis; nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews, nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews, to whom he was always very favorable. As for the rest of Cherilus's description, that "their heads were sooty; that they had round rasures on their heads; that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke;" these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidi no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed this reproachful language, here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes; nor are we to expect that either Cherilus or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish history. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentic records of that nation we find them for the main to confirm the same, as we almost always do, we ought to be satisfied, and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs, which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See sect. 23.
- ↑ (19) Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake; or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis; that were a strange people; and spake the Phenician tongue; is not agreed on by the learned. ’Tis yet certain, that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Præp. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews. And I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people; but heathen idolaters like the other parts of Xerxes’s army. And that these spake the Phenician tongue is next to impossible: as the Jews certainly did. Nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis. Nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews; nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews: to whom he was always very favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus’s description, that their heads were sooty; that they had round rasures on their heads; that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke; these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidia, no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed, this reproachful language here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi, celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes. Nor are we to expect that either Cherilus, or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers, cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish History. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentick records of that nation, we find them, for the main, to confirm the same; as we almost always do: we ought to be satisfied: and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs: which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See § 23.
- ↑ [3] This Hezekiah, who is here called a high priest, is not named in Josephus's catalogue; the real high priest at that time being rather Onias, as Archbishop Usher supposes. However, Josephus often uses the word high priests in the plural number, as living many at the same time. See the note on Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 8.
- ↑ (20) This Hezekiah, who is here called an High-priest, is not named in Josephus’s catalogue. The real High-priest at that time being rather Onias: as Archbishop Ussher supposes. However Josephus often uses the word High-priests in the plural number, as living many at the same time. See the note on Antiq. XX.8.8 [sic. Probably Whiston means XX.8.5, though there is no note there or elsewhere dealing specifically with this question.].
- ↑ [4] So I read the text with Havercamp, though the place be difficult.
- ↑ [5] This number of arourae or Egyptian acres, 3,000,000, each aroura containing a square of 100 Egyptian cubits, (being about three quarters of an English acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewish tabernacle,) as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one third of the entire number of arourae in the whole land of Judea, supposing it 160 measured miles long and 70 such miles broad; which estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide from the truth. The fifty furlongs in compass for the city Jerusalem presently are not very wide from the truth also, as Josephus himself describes it, who, Of the War, B. V. ch. 4. sect. 3. makes its wall thirty-three furlongs, besides the suburbs and gardens; nay, he says, B. V. ch. 12. sect. 2, that Titus's wall about it at some small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were destroyed, was not less than thirty-nine furlongs. Nor perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these 120,000, because room was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which came up at the three great festivals; to say nothing of the probable increase in their number between the days of Hecateus and Josephus, which was at least three hundred years. But see a more authentic account of some of these measures in my Description of the Jewish Temples. However, we are not to expect that such heathens as Cherilus or Hecateus, or the rest that are cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making many mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they strongly confirm the same history in the general, and are most valuable attestations to those more authentic accounts we have in the Scriptures and Josephus concerning them.
- ↑ (21) This number of arouræ, or Egyptian acres, 3,000,000, each aroura containing a square of 100 Egyptian cubits: (being about three quarters of an English acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewish tabernacle:) as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one third of the intire number of arouræ in the whole land of Judea: supposing it 160 measured miles long, and 70 such miles broad. Which estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide from the truth. The 50 furlongs in compass for the city Jerusalem presently, are not very wide from the truth also: as Josephus himself describes it. Who, Of the War, V.4.3. makes its wall 33 furlongs: besides the suburbs, and gardens. Nay he says, V.12.2. that Titus’s wall about it, at some small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were destroyed, was not less than 39 furlongs. Nor perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these 120,000. Because room was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which came up at the 3 great festivals: to say nothing of the probable increase in their number between the days of Hecateus, and Josephus; which was at least 300 years. But see a more authentick account of some of these measures, in my Description of the Jewish Temples. However, we are not to expect that such heathens as Cherilus, or Hecateus, or the rest that are cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making many mistakes in the Jewish History; while yet they strongly confirm the same History in the general, and are most valuable attestations to those more authentick accounts we have in the Scriptures, and Josephus concerning them.
- ↑ (19)19 Five plethra.
- ↑ 6 A glorious testimony this of the observation of the sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4, and ch. 6. sect. 2; the Life, sect. 54; and War, B. IV. ch. 9. sect. 12.
- ↑ [7] Not their law, but the superstitious interpretation of their leaders which neither the Maccabees nor our blessed Savior did ever approve of.
- ↑ (20)20 A glorious testimony this of the observation of the sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. XVI.2.4. and XVI.6.2.; the Life, § 54.; and War, IV.9.12.
- ↑ (21) Not their law; but the superstitious interpretation of their leaders; which neither did the Maccabees, nor did our blessed Saviour ever approve of.
- ↑ (22) In reading this and the remaining sections of this book, and some parts of the next, one may easily perceive, that our usually cool and candid author, Josephus, was too highly offended with the impudent calumnies of Manetho, and the other bitter enemies of the Jews, with whom he had now to deal: and was thereby betrayed into a greater heat and passion than ordinary: and that, by consequence, he does not here reason with his usual fairness and impartiality. He seems to depart sometimes from the brevity and sincerity of a faithful historian: which is his grand character: and indulges the prolixity, and colours of a pleader, and a disputant. Accordingly I confess I always read these sections with less pleasure than I do the rest of his writings. Though I fully believe the reproaches cast on the Jews, which he here endeavours to confute and expose, were wholly groundless, and unreasonable.
- ↑ (17) The true number here for the year of Darius, on which the second temple was finished; whether the 2nd with our present copies: or the 6th with that of Syncellus: or the 10th with that of Eusebius, is very uncertain. So we had best follow Josephus’s own account elsewhere, Antiq. XI.3. and 4. which shews us that, according to his copy of the Old Testament, after the 2nd of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the 2nd of Darius, when in 7 years it was finished, on the 9th of Darius.
- ↑ (19) Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake; or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the great and broad lake Asphaltitis; that were a strange people; and spake the Phenician tongue; is not agreed on by the learned. ’Tis yet certain, that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Præp. IX. 9. p. 412, took them to be Jews. And I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people; but heathen idolaters like the other parts of Xerxes’s army. And that these spake the Phenician tongue is next to impossible: as the Jews certainly did. Nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis. Nor indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews; nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes for his army as the Jews: to whom he was always very favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus’s description, that their heads were sooty; that they had round rasures on their heads; that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke; these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidia, no better than they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed, this reproachful language here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi, celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes. Nor are we to expect that either Cherilus, or Hecateus, or any other pagan writers, cited by Josephus and Eusebius, made no mistakes in the Jewish History. If by comparing their testimonies with the more authentick records of that nation, we find them, for the main, to confirm the same; as we almost always do: we ought to be satisfied: and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish affairs: which indeed it was almost always impossible for them to have. See § 23.